Some nouns to remember:
chanm: room
enfimyè: nurse
doktè: doctor
bwa: wood
chans: chance
limiyè: light Ex: limen limiyè a/etenn limiyè la
BonDye: God
Lakle: chalk
adrès: address
nimewo: number
nimewo telefòn: phone number
biznis: business
konpitè: computer
pòtab: cell phone
repons: response
chifon: eraser
lanp: lamp
chenn: chain
dan: dent
fanm: woman
devwa: homework
Thursday, June 28, 2007
Wednesday, June 27, 2007
Creole diary- Day 5: 26th June- Part 2
Leson de:
Ban m nouvèl ou
Lwi: Bonjou, Mari. Ki jan ou ye jodi a?
Mari: M byen, wi. E ou menm? Ban m nouvèl ou, non.
Lwi: M pa pi mal. M ap kenbe. E Sadrak?
Mari: Sadra la, wi. L ap boule.
Lwi: E lòt timoun yo? Yo byen tou?
Mari: Wi, monchè, Y al lekòl.
Lwi: Bon machè, m ale. N a wè, tande?
Mari: Men wi, n a wè lòt senmenn, si. Dye vle.
Ban m nouvèl ou
Lwi: Bonjou, Mari. Ki jan ou ye jodi a?
Mari: M byen, wi. E ou menm? Ban m nouvèl ou, non.
Lwi: M pa pi mal. M ap kenbe. E Sadrak?
Mari: Sadra la, wi. L ap boule.
Lwi: E lòt timoun yo? Yo byen tou?
Mari: Wi, monchè, Y al lekòl.
Lwi: Bon machè, m ale. N a wè, tande?
Mari: Men wi, n a wè lòt senmenn, si. Dye vle.
Creole diary : Day 4: 26th June- Part 1
Leson en:
Sou wout Petyon vil
Lwi: Bonjou, tidam. Ki jan ou ye?
Mari: M byen,wi.
Lwi: Se pitit ou?
Mari: Wi, se pitit mwen.
Lwi: Ki jan li rele?
Mari: Li rele Sadrak.
Lwi: M rele Lwi. E ou-menm. Ki jan ou rele?
Mari: M rele Mari.
Kesyon:
Ki moun k ap pale ak Mari?- Lwi ap pale ak Mari.
Ki jan madamn nan rele?- Li/Madamn nan rele Mari.
Ki jan msye a rele?- Li rele Lwi.
Ki jan piti la rele?- Li rele Sadrak.
Note: Articles
madamn nan
msye a
pitit la
Note: Personal Pronouns:
nou: we, you
yo: they
li: he, she, it
Ex: Nou se pwofesè. (We are professors.)
Nou se elèv. (We are students.)
Identification:
To identify or point to someone one uses the construction se= It's
Ex: Ki moun sa a?- Se mwen. (It's me.)
Sou wout Petyon vil
Lwi: Bonjou, tidam. Ki jan ou ye?
Mari: M byen,wi.
Lwi: Se pitit ou?
Mari: Wi, se pitit mwen.
Lwi: Ki jan li rele?
Mari: Li rele Sadrak.
Lwi: M rele Lwi. E ou-menm. Ki jan ou rele?
Mari: M rele Mari.
Kesyon:
Ki moun k ap pale ak Mari?- Lwi ap pale ak Mari.
Ki jan madamn nan rele?- Li/Madamn nan rele Mari.
Ki jan msye a rele?- Li rele Lwi.
Ki jan piti la rele?- Li rele Sadrak.
Note: Articles
madamn nan
msye a
pitit la
Note: Personal Pronouns:
nou: we, you
yo: they
li: he, she, it
Ex: Nou se pwofesè. (We are professors.)
Nou se elèv. (We are students.)
Identification:
To identify or point to someone one uses the construction se= It's
Ex: Ki moun sa a?- Se mwen. (It's me.)
Tuesday, June 26, 2007
Creole diary- Day 3: 25th June- The first session
Verb:
kanpe: stand
rete: rest
chita: sit down
sote: jump
vire: turn
mache: walk
manyen: touch
montre: point
rive: arrive
dwe: owe
Phrase:
silvouple!= souple!: please
tou o tou: all around
Nouns:
tèt: head
bra: arm
pye: foot, leg
chèz: chair
tablo: board
tab: table
pòt: door
epi=enpi: then
e: and
Adjective:
dousman: gentle
fòt: strong
Preposition:
sou: onto
Phrase:
se tou pa ou: it's your turn.
Examples:
Mache! Kanpe! Sote! Rete! Vire! Kanpe!
Mache rive sou tab-la! Walk to the table!
Mache rive sou tablo-a!
Manyen tèt pwofesè a fòt!
kanpe: stand
rete: rest
chita: sit down
sote: jump
vire: turn
mache: walk
manyen: touch
montre: point
rive: arrive
dwe: owe
Phrase:
silvouple!= souple!: please
tou o tou: all around
Nouns:
tèt: head
bra: arm
pye: foot, leg
chèz: chair
tablo: board
tab: table
pòt: door
epi=enpi: then
e: and
Adjective:
dousman: gentle
fòt: strong
Preposition:
sou: onto
Phrase:
se tou pa ou: it's your turn.
Examples:
Mache! Kanpe! Sote! Rete! Vire! Kanpe!
Mache rive sou tab-la! Walk to the table!
Mache rive sou tablo-a!
Manyen tèt pwofesè a fòt!
Sunday, June 24, 2007
Creole diary- Day 2: 24th June
Mwen dòmi trè bien
(I sleep well)
Mèsi anpil paske ou manje la.
(Thank you very much because you eat it)
Mè si paske ou fè la.
(Thank you very much because you make it)
Mwen konprann.
(I understand it)
Ỳe: Yesterday
Ỳe swa: Last night
How to make chicken soup?
-poul: chicken
- avwan: oat
- pwa: bean
- salt: sèl
- sugar: sik
- lemon: sitron
So, how can I say now:
- Bonjou. Ki jan ou ye?
- Mwen bien oui, mèsi.E ou-menn?
- Mwen bien oui, mèsi.
- Kilè ou te dòmi ỳe swa?
-Mwen te dòmi a nève di swa.
- Ou te dòmi trè bien?
-Oui. Mèsi.
(I sleep well)
Mèsi anpil paske ou manje la.
(Thank you very much because you eat it)
Mè si paske ou fè la.
(Thank you very much because you make it)
Mwen konprann.
(I understand it)
Ỳe: Yesterday
Ỳe swa: Last night
How to make chicken soup?
-poul: chicken
- avwan: oat
- pwa: bean
- salt: sèl
- sugar: sik
- lemon: sitron
So, how can I say now:
- Bonjou. Ki jan ou ye?
- Mwen bien oui, mèsi.E ou-menn?
- Mwen bien oui, mèsi.
- Kilè ou te dòmi ỳe swa?
-Mwen te dòmi a nève di swa.
- Ou te dòmi trè bien?
-Oui. Mèsi.
Saturday, June 23, 2007
Creole diary- Day 1: 23rd June
Haitian Creole:
Ki le ou manje dine? (What time do you have dinner?)
Mwen manje dine a nève di swa. (I have dinner at 9 p.m)
Bon (good)
Trè bon (very good)
Banan (a kind of green banana)
Legume
English:
Eggplant: Cà tím
Cabbage: Cải bắp (su in Creole, but I don't know how to spell it).
Ki le ou manje dine? (What time do you have dinner?)
Mwen manje dine a nève di swa. (I have dinner at 9 p.m)
Bon (good)
Trè bon (very good)
Banan (a kind of green banana)
Legume
English:
Eggplant: Cà tím
Cabbage: Cải bắp (su in Creole, but I don't know how to spell it).
Monday, June 18, 2007
Analysis- Field, Tenor and Mode
Page: BBC English Learning
1. Field:
Goals:
- To help learners practice English (esp, writing, listening and reading)
- To provide teachers resources
Contents:
- News English: English in news
- Business English: English in business situations
- Watch and listen: see pictures and video, listen to the stories
- Grammar and vocabulary
- Communication: Message Board, Blogs, etc
- Quizzes: Many kinds of quizzes with different topics
- Flatmates: Listening comprehension
- Webcast: Listening to the talks about Enlgish
- Resource for teachers: Lesson plans, quizzes
2. Tenor:
Participants: users (different ages and level), producer
Participant roles:
- Individual use, within the classroom and with students around the world
- Learners: active (write blog entries, do exercises, listening actively)
Interactivity:
- Information along with activities are provided.
- Users are able to comment on articles and do exercises online
- Users can contribute to the websites (Upload stories to teacher blog and student blog)
- Users participate in the project: Country of the Month
- Both users and producers have the power to the page.
3. Mode:
- Code: British English and 32 other languages.
- Channel: Spoken, written, signs/images, sounds.
- Discourse style: both technical and informal, appropriate for many types of target users.
- Register: Formal English
- Users can construct discourse (blogs, comments, etc)
- Users can send email, discuss, post message and images to the forum
Conclusion:
- It is an interactive page, supporting students to become active in learning English
- Computers enhance student learning (forum, blogs, exercises)
- Users have opportunities to practice language skills
Saturday, June 16, 2007
Creoles: Origins, Linguistic Systems, Receptions and Prospects
I. Introduction
Creole languages may not be unfamiliar to American, African and European people. However, many other people, especially in Asia have had no exposure to and therefore possess no familiarity with Creole languages. To them, a language is usually closely related to the people who use it, such as Spanish is spoken by Spanish people, French is spoken by French people, and so forth. People rarely hear about Creole people; consequently, they feel very surprised to study that there even is a language named “Creole”.
This paper addresses the basic demand of understanding Creole languages as a paradigm in terms of the origins, the linguistic system, the debates around Creole’s identity, as well as the development and prospects of Creole.
II. Origin of the term “Creole”
This term has changed over time. Diater Woll (1997), as cited in “In search of a national identity: Creole and Politics in Guadeloupe” (Schnepel, 2004), supposed that the word Creole came from Spanish: Criollos and then later lost its Hispanic character, evolving into Criole or Criolle. Later, it transformed into French-based Créole. However, in the book ‘Pidgin and Creole Languages,” Romaine (1988) argued that the word Creole is the “Portuguese crioulu via English and French” (p. 38), but Holm (1998) and DeGraff (2006) thought that this term first dated back the Latin word creare which means “to create.”
The term “Creole” is also used with different meanings. Creole first represented a white person who was born in the colonies (DeGraff, 2006; Holm, 1998; Romaine, 1988; Schnepel, 2004). Then it was used to describe people of mixed blood. After that, as Jean Baptiste Labat (1722) claimed in “Nouveau voyage aus Isles de l’Amerique”, this term was used as an adjective to distinguish slaves that were native-born (negres creoles) (Schnepel, 2004). In the article “Pidgin and Creole Languages” (2002) and DeGraff’s paper (2006), Creole is also considered as the adjective to describe the animals, plants and customs in the colonies. Recently, Creole is considered as a language spoken by creoles in the Caribbean and West Africa, even associated with other languages with similar situations of emergence (Romaine, 1988).
III. Origins of Creole
According to Schnepel (2004), in the 17th century, the French colonists began to expand their power, reaching the Antilles, and African slaves were imported to be the labor force in large numbers. The society at that time included French settlers from various regions in France with different dialects, as well as the African slaves who lacked any common language. Creole language came about as a means of communication between the masters and slaves as well as among people with different languages.
Similarly, in the Anglophone Caribbean, Creole emerged because of the expansion of European colonialism (Bickerton, 1981). Since the sugar plantations needed a large number of laborers, the colonists had to import people from many areas in the world (“Pidgins and Creole Languages, 2002”). These laborers had different languages; therefore, they had to develop a language that Nero (2001) called an “auxiliary contact language” which was known as “pidgin’ and then become Creole. Kephart (2000) argued that
[Creole] develops in a context of intense contact between two or more relatively interrelated languages, and which typically exhibits features drawn from the languages present in the contact situation, as well as drawing on the human language capacity (p. 11)
In summary, Creole developed when there was a need of communication between the people with different European languages and various African languages and dialects spanning the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries.
IV. Groups of Creoles:
There are many groups of Creole languages, depending on the target languages that they are influenced by, such as English-based Creole languages, French- based Creole languages, German- based Creole language, and so on.
V. Linguistic systems of Creoles
Bickerton (1981) presented twelve features to characterize Creole grammar
(i) movement rules
(ii) articles
(iii) tense- modality-aspect systems
(iv) realized and unrealized complements
(v) relativization and subject-copying
(vi) negation
(vii) existential and possessive
(viii) copula
(ix) adjectives as verbs
(x) questions
(xi) question words
(xii) passive equivalents
In terms of vocabulary, according to the hypothesis of Lefebvre (2004), the lexicon of Creole is formed based on the “relexification” (p. 38) in which Creole remains the semantic feature of the source language (e.g. African language) and adopts the phonetic feature of the target language (e.g. French). For example, one word could be pronounced similarly with French word but it may have different meanings.
VI. Receptions of Creole languages
Before the 50s, Creole used to be considered as a “deformed variety of French, a stigmatized patois” (Schnepel, 2004, p. 5), as it was seen as the language of black people, lower- class groups, and illiterate and/or ill-educated people.
Nero (2001) found that in the Anglophone Caribbean, the interaction between standard English and Creole has elevated standard English in the class structure, and stigmatized Creole. DeCamp (1971), as cited in the book “English in Contact” (2001), called this relation Creole Continuum which ranges from basilect (the most Creole) to mesisolect (mid-range) to acrolect (the English standard variety)
According to Nero (2001), the use of different languages in this continuum is not only determined by social class but also by education, ethnicity and urban/ rural origin and in social context. However, when examining the research by Winford (1994) and Winer (1993), Nero found that although the Creole- speaking children have been given access to education, the medium of instruction in schools and in socialization is English. That fact implies that English is still a dominant language in these countries and Creole is still neglected.
In addition, that Creole has had many different names such as, “broken English, bastard Portuguese, nigger French, kombuistaaltje (‘cookhouse lingo’), isikula (‘coolie language’)” (Holm, 1988, p. 1) shows the discrimination in terms of languages and speakers. These terms are assumed that Creoles are the “corruptions” (Holm, 1988, p. 1) of standard languages, so their structures and lexicons have not been taken into much consideration by linguists. Secondly, these names are referred to their speakers’ low social classes.
Therefore, one of the linguistic and social issues around Creole languages is whether Creoles are languages or dialects. Creoles have been considered “deformed” varieties of standard languages because it seemed that Creoles share similar lexicons with standard languages. However, when examining their linguistic systems thoughtfully, Creoles are not dialects but rather new languages, because compared to the linguistics systems of the source languages, Creoles have different word formation and grammar (Holm, 1988).
In Haiti, the morphology and syntax of Creoles are influenced by West African languages and the lexical structure is based on French. However, it is not considered as a dialect of French, but rather an “independent language” (“Haitian Creole”, 2006). Similarly, in some other Caribbean countries, Creole is somehow similar to West African languages in terms of phonology, morphology, and syntax and akin to English in terms of lexicon. That is the reason why some Creole is sometimes seen as a dialect of English and hence, incorrectly considered ”broken” English (Nero, 2001).
From these above linguistic facts, it is implied that treating Creoles as dialects or languages is not due to their linguistic systems but due to the behavior and receptions of speakers who use these languages. [Perhaps more due to the attitudes of people who describe them (See DeGraff’s paper)]
VII. Development of Creole
Since the abolition of slavery in 1848 and up until departmentalization in Guadeloupe and Martinique, French was appreciated as a prestigious language, used officially in education, while Creole was the language of people who lacked formal schooling. Although Creole was the mother tongue of many people there, French dominated in almost every daily and cultural aspect of society so much that the cultures of these countries were influenced by French culture and they felt unfamiliar with their own culture (Schnepel, 2004).
However, since the 70s and 80s, there have been many movements in Guadeloupe in terms of seeking identity for their culture (Schnepel, 2004). One of the initiatives of these movements was to revive Creole so that it could become a spark plug to the movement of seeking “independence” from French culture. Similarly, in other Caribbean countries, Creole was used in the pre- and post- independence periods as an “affirmation of national and ethnic pride and as the language of true Caribbean identity” (Nero, 2001, p. 7).
Recently, Creoles have been drawing the attention of both linguists and people in the countries that speak Creole languages. Presently, there are about 20 million people speaking Creole in the world (DeGraff, 2006). There are many international Creole music festivals which have been organized in The Republic of Dominique and The Republic of Seychelles. Replying an interview about “the origin and future of Creole language and culture”(2003), Raphael Confiant- a Martiniquan writer well known for his works about Creole and for the créolité movement since 1970s, asserted that Creoles have progressed in the past thirty years in The French Antilles in the fields of education and media. The development includes offering a certificate for teaching Creole, setting up schools where Creole languages [?] are taught, and presenting the news in Creole on the channel ATV and RFO. In Haiti, about 90 % of the population can speak in Creole. In Haiti and in the Republic of Seychelles, Creole has become the official language. Creoles are not only used in daily life but also in schools. [Note that they speak different Creole languages]
However, Raphael Confiant questioned the ability of Creole languages to survive since he claimed that globalization and commercial markets stimulate people to use more French instead of Creole. This situation endangers Creole in his view. Therefore, Creole has gradually decreolized according to him. He also supposed that Creoles develop only when it is taught at schools. If students are taught in another language, Creole will tend to be similar to the target languages such as French and English. [Look at the critique by DeGraff about the claim about decreolization.
VIII. Conclusion
There have been many debates around the origin, the linguistic systems as the viewpoints of Creole languages. However, it is asserted that Creole languages have gradually gained their identity in Creole- speaking communities. Moreover, more and more people have been interested in these languages. If there are more research projects, discussions in the media, festivals in Creole languages, and the like, then these languages will have a stronger presence and perhaps acceptance in society.
REFERENCES
Bickerton, D. (1981). Roots of language. Ann Arbor: Karoma
DeGraff, M. (2006). Linguists’ most dangerous myth: The fallacy of Creole Exceptionalism. Paper presented at International Symposium on African & Diasporic Languages & Education: New York
Holm, J. (1988). Pidgins and Creoles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kephart, R. F. (2000). “Broken English”: The Creole language of Carriacou. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc.
Lefebvre, C. (2004). Issues in the study of Pidgin and Creole languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Nero, S. J. (2001). Englishes in contact: Anglophone Caribbean students in an urban college. New Jersey, USA: Hampton Press, Inc.
Origins and future of Creole language and culture, an interview with Raphael Confiant. (2003). Retrieved November 15, 2006 from http://www.palli.ch/~kapeskreyol/divers/origins.html
Pidgins and Creole languages [Electronic version]. (2002). International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Retrieved November 15, 2006 from http://humanities.uchicago.edu/faculty/mufwene/pidginCreoleLanguage.html
Romaine, S. (1988). Pidgin and Creole languages. New York: Longman, Inc.
Schnepel, E. M. (2004). In search of a national identity: Creole and politics in Guadeloupe. Hamburg, Germany: Helmut Buske Verlag
Creole languages may not be unfamiliar to American, African and European people. However, many other people, especially in Asia have had no exposure to and therefore possess no familiarity with Creole languages. To them, a language is usually closely related to the people who use it, such as Spanish is spoken by Spanish people, French is spoken by French people, and so forth. People rarely hear about Creole people; consequently, they feel very surprised to study that there even is a language named “Creole”.
This paper addresses the basic demand of understanding Creole languages as a paradigm in terms of the origins, the linguistic system, the debates around Creole’s identity, as well as the development and prospects of Creole.
II. Origin of the term “Creole”
This term has changed over time. Diater Woll (1997), as cited in “In search of a national identity: Creole and Politics in Guadeloupe” (Schnepel, 2004), supposed that the word Creole came from Spanish: Criollos and then later lost its Hispanic character, evolving into Criole or Criolle. Later, it transformed into French-based Créole. However, in the book ‘Pidgin and Creole Languages,” Romaine (1988) argued that the word Creole is the “Portuguese crioulu via English and French” (p. 38), but Holm (1998) and DeGraff (2006) thought that this term first dated back the Latin word creare which means “to create.”
The term “Creole” is also used with different meanings. Creole first represented a white person who was born in the colonies (DeGraff, 2006; Holm, 1998; Romaine, 1988; Schnepel, 2004). Then it was used to describe people of mixed blood. After that, as Jean Baptiste Labat (1722) claimed in “Nouveau voyage aus Isles de l’Amerique”, this term was used as an adjective to distinguish slaves that were native-born (negres creoles) (Schnepel, 2004). In the article “Pidgin and Creole Languages” (2002) and DeGraff’s paper (2006), Creole is also considered as the adjective to describe the animals, plants and customs in the colonies. Recently, Creole is considered as a language spoken by creoles in the Caribbean and West Africa, even associated with other languages with similar situations of emergence (Romaine, 1988).
III. Origins of Creole
According to Schnepel (2004), in the 17th century, the French colonists began to expand their power, reaching the Antilles, and African slaves were imported to be the labor force in large numbers. The society at that time included French settlers from various regions in France with different dialects, as well as the African slaves who lacked any common language. Creole language came about as a means of communication between the masters and slaves as well as among people with different languages.
Similarly, in the Anglophone Caribbean, Creole emerged because of the expansion of European colonialism (Bickerton, 1981). Since the sugar plantations needed a large number of laborers, the colonists had to import people from many areas in the world (“Pidgins and Creole Languages, 2002”). These laborers had different languages; therefore, they had to develop a language that Nero (2001) called an “auxiliary contact language” which was known as “pidgin’ and then become Creole. Kephart (2000) argued that
[Creole] develops in a context of intense contact between two or more relatively interrelated languages, and which typically exhibits features drawn from the languages present in the contact situation, as well as drawing on the human language capacity (p. 11)
In summary, Creole developed when there was a need of communication between the people with different European languages and various African languages and dialects spanning the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries.
IV. Groups of Creoles:
There are many groups of Creole languages, depending on the target languages that they are influenced by, such as English-based Creole languages, French- based Creole languages, German- based Creole language, and so on.
V. Linguistic systems of Creoles
Bickerton (1981) presented twelve features to characterize Creole grammar
(i) movement rules
(ii) articles
(iii) tense- modality-aspect systems
(iv) realized and unrealized complements
(v) relativization and subject-copying
(vi) negation
(vii) existential and possessive
(viii) copula
(ix) adjectives as verbs
(x) questions
(xi) question words
(xii) passive equivalents
In terms of vocabulary, according to the hypothesis of Lefebvre (2004), the lexicon of Creole is formed based on the “relexification” (p. 38) in which Creole remains the semantic feature of the source language (e.g. African language) and adopts the phonetic feature of the target language (e.g. French). For example, one word could be pronounced similarly with French word but it may have different meanings.
VI. Receptions of Creole languages
Before the 50s, Creole used to be considered as a “deformed variety of French, a stigmatized patois” (Schnepel, 2004, p. 5), as it was seen as the language of black people, lower- class groups, and illiterate and/or ill-educated people.
Nero (2001) found that in the Anglophone Caribbean, the interaction between standard English and Creole has elevated standard English in the class structure, and stigmatized Creole. DeCamp (1971), as cited in the book “English in Contact” (2001), called this relation Creole Continuum which ranges from basilect (the most Creole) to mesisolect (mid-range) to acrolect (the English standard variety)
According to Nero (2001), the use of different languages in this continuum is not only determined by social class but also by education, ethnicity and urban/ rural origin and in social context. However, when examining the research by Winford (1994) and Winer (1993), Nero found that although the Creole- speaking children have been given access to education, the medium of instruction in schools and in socialization is English. That fact implies that English is still a dominant language in these countries and Creole is still neglected.
In addition, that Creole has had many different names such as, “broken English, bastard Portuguese, nigger French, kombuistaaltje (‘cookhouse lingo’), isikula (‘coolie language’)” (Holm, 1988, p. 1) shows the discrimination in terms of languages and speakers. These terms are assumed that Creoles are the “corruptions” (Holm, 1988, p. 1) of standard languages, so their structures and lexicons have not been taken into much consideration by linguists. Secondly, these names are referred to their speakers’ low social classes.
Therefore, one of the linguistic and social issues around Creole languages is whether Creoles are languages or dialects. Creoles have been considered “deformed” varieties of standard languages because it seemed that Creoles share similar lexicons with standard languages. However, when examining their linguistic systems thoughtfully, Creoles are not dialects but rather new languages, because compared to the linguistics systems of the source languages, Creoles have different word formation and grammar (Holm, 1988).
In Haiti, the morphology and syntax of Creoles are influenced by West African languages and the lexical structure is based on French. However, it is not considered as a dialect of French, but rather an “independent language” (“Haitian Creole”, 2006). Similarly, in some other Caribbean countries, Creole is somehow similar to West African languages in terms of phonology, morphology, and syntax and akin to English in terms of lexicon. That is the reason why some Creole is sometimes seen as a dialect of English and hence, incorrectly considered ”broken” English (Nero, 2001).
From these above linguistic facts, it is implied that treating Creoles as dialects or languages is not due to their linguistic systems but due to the behavior and receptions of speakers who use these languages. [Perhaps more due to the attitudes of people who describe them (See DeGraff’s paper)]
VII. Development of Creole
Since the abolition of slavery in 1848 and up until departmentalization in Guadeloupe and Martinique, French was appreciated as a prestigious language, used officially in education, while Creole was the language of people who lacked formal schooling. Although Creole was the mother tongue of many people there, French dominated in almost every daily and cultural aspect of society so much that the cultures of these countries were influenced by French culture and they felt unfamiliar with their own culture (Schnepel, 2004).
However, since the 70s and 80s, there have been many movements in Guadeloupe in terms of seeking identity for their culture (Schnepel, 2004). One of the initiatives of these movements was to revive Creole so that it could become a spark plug to the movement of seeking “independence” from French culture. Similarly, in other Caribbean countries, Creole was used in the pre- and post- independence periods as an “affirmation of national and ethnic pride and as the language of true Caribbean identity” (Nero, 2001, p. 7).
Recently, Creoles have been drawing the attention of both linguists and people in the countries that speak Creole languages. Presently, there are about 20 million people speaking Creole in the world (DeGraff, 2006). There are many international Creole music festivals which have been organized in The Republic of Dominique and The Republic of Seychelles. Replying an interview about “the origin and future of Creole language and culture”(2003), Raphael Confiant- a Martiniquan writer well known for his works about Creole and for the créolité movement since 1970s, asserted that Creoles have progressed in the past thirty years in The French Antilles in the fields of education and media. The development includes offering a certificate for teaching Creole, setting up schools where Creole languages [?] are taught, and presenting the news in Creole on the channel ATV and RFO. In Haiti, about 90 % of the population can speak in Creole. In Haiti and in the Republic of Seychelles, Creole has become the official language. Creoles are not only used in daily life but also in schools. [Note that they speak different Creole languages]
However, Raphael Confiant questioned the ability of Creole languages to survive since he claimed that globalization and commercial markets stimulate people to use more French instead of Creole. This situation endangers Creole in his view. Therefore, Creole has gradually decreolized according to him. He also supposed that Creoles develop only when it is taught at schools. If students are taught in another language, Creole will tend to be similar to the target languages such as French and English. [Look at the critique by DeGraff about the claim about decreolization.
VIII. Conclusion
There have been many debates around the origin, the linguistic systems as the viewpoints of Creole languages. However, it is asserted that Creole languages have gradually gained their identity in Creole- speaking communities. Moreover, more and more people have been interested in these languages. If there are more research projects, discussions in the media, festivals in Creole languages, and the like, then these languages will have a stronger presence and perhaps acceptance in society.
REFERENCES
Bickerton, D. (1981). Roots of language. Ann Arbor: Karoma
DeGraff, M. (2006). Linguists’ most dangerous myth: The fallacy of Creole Exceptionalism. Paper presented at International Symposium on African & Diasporic Languages & Education: New York
Holm, J. (1988). Pidgins and Creoles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kephart, R. F. (2000). “Broken English”: The Creole language of Carriacou. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc.
Lefebvre, C. (2004). Issues in the study of Pidgin and Creole languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Nero, S. J. (2001). Englishes in contact: Anglophone Caribbean students in an urban college. New Jersey, USA: Hampton Press, Inc.
Origins and future of Creole language and culture, an interview with Raphael Confiant. (2003). Retrieved November 15, 2006 from http://www.palli.ch/~kapeskreyol/divers/origins.html
Pidgins and Creole languages [Electronic version]. (2002). International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Retrieved November 15, 2006 from http://humanities.uchicago.edu/faculty/mufwene/pidginCreoleLanguage.html
Romaine, S. (1988). Pidgin and Creole languages. New York: Longman, Inc.
Schnepel, E. M. (2004). In search of a national identity: Creole and politics in Guadeloupe. Hamburg, Germany: Helmut Buske Verlag
Lèt la nan Krèyol
Bon swa,
Ki jan ou ye?
Mwen santi tre kontan etidye avek ou. Gras a ou, mwen adore Kreyol.
Mwen va etidye Kreyol nan Boston lete k ap vini.
Nou genyen anpil jou kontan, pa vre?
Mesi anpil.
Bon fen semenn.
Thy
P.S. isit foto yo nan pati swa sa.
Isit lèt konpay
Bonjou Thy,
Mwen byen. Mesi an pil pou foto yo. Ou fèt bon travay! M santi
mwen trè fyè(proud)de ou. Ou ekri tout imèl lan nan Krèyol. Ou
degaje ou(You worked it out). Map ekri res lan an Anglè pou kapab
sesi (another way of saying "understand". More like when people
say I "get it" in English) sa map di ou lan.
Ki jan ou ye?
Mwen santi tre kontan etidye avek ou. Gras a ou, mwen adore Kreyol.
Mwen va etidye Kreyol nan Boston lete k ap vini.
Nou genyen anpil jou kontan, pa vre?
Mesi anpil.
Bon fen semenn.
Thy
P.S. isit foto yo nan pati swa sa.
Isit lèt konpay
Bonjou Thy,
Mwen byen. Mesi an pil pou foto yo. Ou fèt bon travay! M santi
mwen trè fyè(proud)de ou. Ou ekri tout imèl lan nan Krèyol. Ou
degaje ou(You worked it out). Map ekri res lan an Anglè pou kapab
sesi (another way of saying "understand". More like when people
say I "get it" in English) sa map di ou lan.
Vietnamese language
1. History:
Vietnamese language is a part of Vietic Grouping of the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austro-Asiatic language family (S.E.A.L.A.N.G, n.d).
Prior to the French domination, Vietnamese used the Chinese written system named Chữ Nôm (adapted Chinese characters) in education (To, 1998). In the 17th century, Catholic missionaries, from Spain, Portugal, Italy, and France used roman script to translate bibles. The first Vietnamese-Portuguese-Latin dictionary by Alexander de Rhodes was published in 1651 (Nguyen, 1980). Later on, in French domination period in late 19th century, roman script was used in South Vietnam, and then became the national language in early 1900 (To, 1998).
2. Characteristics:
Vietnamese alphabet:
A, Ă, Â, B, C, D, Đ, E, Ê, G, H, I, K, L, M, N, O, Ô, Ơ, P, Q, R, S, T, U, Ư, V, X, Y
a. Vowels, consonants and tone markers:
Vietnamese is tonal and monosyllabic.
It has 11 vowels: (a, ă, â, e, ê, i, o, ô, ơ, u,ư), 18 single consonants, 8 double consonants, and 5 tone-markers (“level”, “hanging”, “sharp”, “asking”, “tumbling” and “heavy”) (Wikipedia, 2007). If applying different tone-markers to the same letters, speaker can create new words, with new meaning, as follows (different tone-markers to the word “ma”)
Name Description Example Sample vowel
ngang high level ma ( ghost) a
'level" (no mark)
huyền
'hanging' low falling mà ( but) à
sắc 'sharp' high rising má ( cheek, mother) á
hỏi 'asking' dipping-rising mả (tomb, grave) ả
ngã 'tumbling' breaking-rising mã (horse, code) ã
nặng 'heavy' constricted mạ (rice seedling, mother)
A large number of Vietnamese words are Hán Việt (Sino-Vietnamese) words. During French colonization, Vietnamese borrows some French vocabulary such as pêđal (pédal), búp bê (poupée).
b. Grammar:
- Tense:
Vietnamese language does not require to conjugate verbs. Instead, particles are employed and put in front of verbs to indicate the tense.
Ex: Particle “đang” to show the present continuous – Tôi đang ăn cơm trưa (I’m having lunch)
Particle “đã” to show the simple past- Tôi đã ăn cơm trưa (I had lunch)
Particle “sẽ” to show the simple future- Tôi sẽ ăn cơm trưa (I will/am going to have lunch)
- Plural
To form plural nouns, it is suggested to put “những”, “các”.
Ex: những cây bút (pens), những con người (people)
- Pronouns
Vietnamese language employs accurately terms of reference.
Using pronouns depends on the relationship between speakers and listeners, such as kinship, gender, hiararchy relationship, age, social position. The most common terms of reference are kinship terms which are different in different regions in Vietnam.
Ex. How to translate “I love you” in Vietnamese?
Anh yêu em. (Male to his female lover)
- Em yêu anh. (Female to her male lover)
- Mẹ yêu con. (Mother to her child)
- Con yêu mẹ. (Child to mother)
Pronouns of kinship:
Ông : grandfather, male senior, also used to respect someone
Bà: grandmother, female senior, also used to respect someone
Cô: aunt (father’s sister, usually younger sister), female teacher
Dì: Aunt (mother’s sister, older or younger)
Chú: Uncle (father’s younger brother), or to address someone is younger than your parents
Bác: Uncle (father’s older brother), or to address someone is older than your parents
Dượng: Husband of father’s sister/ mother’s sister
Thím: Wife of father’s younger brother
Mợ: Wife of mother’s younger/older brother
Cháu: Niece/Nephew
Anh: Brother, or to address a male who is older than you
Chị: Older sister, or to address a female who is older than you
Em: Younger sister, or to address a female/male who is younger than you, or to address a woman in the romantic relationship
Cha/Bố/Ba: Father
Má/ Mẹ/Mạ: Mother
c. Dialects:
A prominent features of Vietnamese language is that different regions of Vietnam employ different accents and some different vocabulary. This partly hinders Vietnamese understanding and learning.
Northern Vietnamese
Hanoi dialect, other Northern dialects in Hai Phong
Central Vietnamese
Hue dialect, Nghe An dialect, Quang Nam dialect
Southern Vietnamese
Saigon dialect, Mekong dialect
Reference
Dien, To (1998). Language and literacy in Vietnamese American communities. In Peréz, Bertha (Ed.). Sociocultual Contexts of language and literacy (123-161). New Jersey, USA: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
S.E.A.L.A.N.G (n.d).Mon-Khmer Language Project. Retrieved April, 20, 2007, from http://sealang.net/mk/vietic.htm?vietic-intro.htm
Wikipedia (2007). Retrieved June, 15, 2007, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnamese_American
Vietnamese language is a part of Vietic Grouping of the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austro-Asiatic language family (S.E.A.L.A.N.G, n.d).
Prior to the French domination, Vietnamese used the Chinese written system named Chữ Nôm (adapted Chinese characters) in education (To, 1998). In the 17th century, Catholic missionaries, from Spain, Portugal, Italy, and France used roman script to translate bibles. The first Vietnamese-Portuguese-Latin dictionary by Alexander de Rhodes was published in 1651 (Nguyen, 1980). Later on, in French domination period in late 19th century, roman script was used in South Vietnam, and then became the national language in early 1900 (To, 1998).
2. Characteristics:
Vietnamese alphabet:
A, Ă, Â, B, C, D, Đ, E, Ê, G, H, I, K, L, M, N, O, Ô, Ơ, P, Q, R, S, T, U, Ư, V, X, Y
a. Vowels, consonants and tone markers:
Vietnamese is tonal and monosyllabic.
It has 11 vowels: (a, ă, â, e, ê, i, o, ô, ơ, u,ư), 18 single consonants, 8 double consonants, and 5 tone-markers (“level”, “hanging”, “sharp”, “asking”, “tumbling” and “heavy”) (Wikipedia, 2007). If applying different tone-markers to the same letters, speaker can create new words, with new meaning, as follows (different tone-markers to the word “ma”)
Name Description Example Sample vowel
ngang high level ma ( ghost) a
'level" (no mark)
huyền
'hanging' low falling mà ( but) à
sắc 'sharp' high rising má ( cheek, mother) á
hỏi 'asking' dipping-rising mả (tomb, grave) ả
ngã 'tumbling' breaking-rising mã (horse, code) ã
nặng 'heavy' constricted mạ (rice seedling, mother)
A large number of Vietnamese words are Hán Việt (Sino-Vietnamese) words. During French colonization, Vietnamese borrows some French vocabulary such as pêđal (pédal), búp bê (poupée).
b. Grammar:
- Tense:
Vietnamese language does not require to conjugate verbs. Instead, particles are employed and put in front of verbs to indicate the tense.
Ex: Particle “đang” to show the present continuous – Tôi đang ăn cơm trưa (I’m having lunch)
Particle “đã” to show the simple past- Tôi đã ăn cơm trưa (I had lunch)
Particle “sẽ” to show the simple future- Tôi sẽ ăn cơm trưa (I will/am going to have lunch)
- Plural
To form plural nouns, it is suggested to put “những”, “các”.
Ex: những cây bút (pens), những con người (people)
- Pronouns
Vietnamese language employs accurately terms of reference.
Using pronouns depends on the relationship between speakers and listeners, such as kinship, gender, hiararchy relationship, age, social position. The most common terms of reference are kinship terms which are different in different regions in Vietnam.
Ex. How to translate “I love you” in Vietnamese?
Anh yêu em. (Male to his female lover)
- Em yêu anh. (Female to her male lover)
- Mẹ yêu con. (Mother to her child)
- Con yêu mẹ. (Child to mother)
Pronouns of kinship:
Ông : grandfather, male senior, also used to respect someone
Bà: grandmother, female senior, also used to respect someone
Cô: aunt (father’s sister, usually younger sister), female teacher
Dì: Aunt (mother’s sister, older or younger)
Chú: Uncle (father’s younger brother), or to address someone is younger than your parents
Bác: Uncle (father’s older brother), or to address someone is older than your parents
Dượng: Husband of father’s sister/ mother’s sister
Thím: Wife of father’s younger brother
Mợ: Wife of mother’s younger/older brother
Cháu: Niece/Nephew
Anh: Brother, or to address a male who is older than you
Chị: Older sister, or to address a female who is older than you
Em: Younger sister, or to address a female/male who is younger than you, or to address a woman in the romantic relationship
Cha/Bố/Ba: Father
Má/ Mẹ/Mạ: Mother
c. Dialects:
A prominent features of Vietnamese language is that different regions of Vietnam employ different accents and some different vocabulary. This partly hinders Vietnamese understanding and learning.
Northern Vietnamese
Hanoi dialect, other Northern dialects in Hai Phong
Central Vietnamese
Hue dialect, Nghe An dialect, Quang Nam dialect
Southern Vietnamese
Saigon dialect, Mekong dialect
Reference
Dien, To (1998). Language and literacy in Vietnamese American communities. In Peréz, Bertha (Ed.). Sociocultual Contexts of language and literacy (123-161). New Jersey, USA: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
S.E.A.L.A.N.G (n.d).Mon-Khmer Language Project. Retrieved April, 20, 2007, from http://sealang.net/mk/vietic.htm?vietic-intro.htm
Wikipedia (2007). Retrieved June, 15, 2007, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnamese_American
Wednesday, June 6, 2007
Monday, June 4, 2007
To Celia
Below is the poem composed in March, 1616 by Ben Johnson. We did analyze the second line of the poem in terms of its different intepretations.
Drink to me only with thine eyes,
And I will pledge with mine;
Or leave a kiss but in the cup
And I'll not look for wine.
The thirst that from the soul doth rise
Doth ask a drink divine;
But might I of Jove's nectar sup,
I would not change for thine.
I sent thee late a rosy wreath,
Not so much honouring thee
As giving it a hope that there
It could not withered be;
But thou thereon didst only breathe,
And sent'st it back to me;
Since when it grows, and smells, I swear,
Not of itself but thee!
Retrieved from "http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/To_Celia"
You can listen to the music of this poem in http://www.macjams.com/song/7454
Drink to me only with thine eyes,
And I will pledge with mine;
Or leave a kiss but in the cup
And I'll not look for wine.
The thirst that from the soul doth rise
Doth ask a drink divine;
But might I of Jove's nectar sup,
I would not change for thine.
I sent thee late a rosy wreath,
Not so much honouring thee
As giving it a hope that there
It could not withered be;
But thou thereon didst only breathe,
And sent'st it back to me;
Since when it grows, and smells, I swear,
Not of itself but thee!
Retrieved from "http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/To_Celia"
You can listen to the music of this poem in http://www.macjams.com/song/7454
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